The Anabaptist movement arose out of the circle of intimate friends and followers of Zwingli in Zürich, who, after failure to persuade Zwingli to establish a free church of believers only, introduced adult baptism on confession of faith on 21 January 1525, in a meeting of some 15 men in the house of Felix Manz's mother on Neustadt Street. The leaders were two young citizens of Zürich, Conrad Grebel (d.1526 in Maienfeld) and Felix Manz (executed in Zürich in January 1527), together with Georg Blaurock (executed in 1529 in Tyrol), a former priest of Chur. Grebel and Manz were both sons of prominent Zürich patrician families, both gifted university students, counted by Zwingli among his most devoted and promising followers. The break with Zwingli occurred after the second Zürich religious disputation in October 1523 and came gradually during the ensuing year as the state church policy of Zwingli became clear. For a detailed account of the Anabaptist beginnings see Grebel, Conrad, and Zwingli, Ulrich.
Vigorous suppression of the movement by force, climaxed in 1526 by the institution of the death penalty for teaching or preaching Anabaptism (Felix Manz the first victim), prevented the development of an organized Anabaptist congregation in Zürich at the beginning or later. The first congregation in the neighborhood was that in the adjacent village of Zollikon, which existed from February to May 1525, and then was suppressed.
However, Anabaptism did develop into a substantial movement, though never very large, in several of the outlying districts of the canton, especially Grüningen on the east and Horgen, Wädenswil, and Knonau on the south, although in the later 16th and early 17th centuries it is clear that all sections of the canton had some Anabaptists, rather thinly spread. It is almost impossible to locate specific and clearly organized congregations at any time, although the records occasionally carry phrases such as "the congregation in Grüningen," or "in Horgerberg," whereby it is not clear whether the total Anabaptist population of a district is meant, with several meeting groups, or a specific congregation with its own local ministers and one meeting (though rotating in location among the homes or barns, or in the forests).
The first center of the movement was apparently in the territory of Grüningen, the southeastern part of the canton, where Grebel, Manz, and Blaurock found a good response among the villagers in the summer and fall of 1525. By 1528, however, the promising growth had been broken here. Later the stronger areas were west of Zürich in the Horgerberg, Wädenswil, and Knonau districts.
The threat of the Anabaptist movement led to important measures of discipline in the Zürich state church whose purpose was to aid in detecting individual Anabaptists and making their key activities illegal. Among these was the introduction of the compulsory baptismal register on 24 May 1526, compulsory marriage in the church buildings (the Anabaptists married in their own conventicles), and in 1529 compulsory attendance at the state church service. The Anabaptists' justifiable criticism of the low moral state of the clergy as well as the population in general was met by sharp regulations against the most common vices and an elevation of requirements for the clergy. All these measures were combined and intensified in the sharp and comprehensive mandate of 26 March 1530 (Das grosse Sittenmandat), which included in its paragraph #9 a direct attack against the Anabaptists. This paragraph strictly forbade any help or housing for Anabaptists on pain of heavy penalties, for "the council will not tolerate them in any regard," and required all clergy and authorities to report at once every known Anabaptist who would separate himself from the church. The Anabaptists were condemned as leading to the "destruction of all authority." This was a decree by the civil state, designed in part to refute the bitter charges of the Catholic cantons that Zürich was tolerating this "vicious sect," but also designed to meet the threat of a movement which rejected the oath and all military service, although the Anabaptists denied under cross-questioning that they "preached against the state," and there is no direct evidence that they were charged at this time with reducing the military potential of the state in its struggle with the Catholic cantons. In 1531 Bullinger published his first book against them, Von dem unverschampten fraejel. His second book against them, Der Widertöufferen ursprung, appeared in 1560.mandates led to further executions: Konrad Winkler, a preacher, on 30 January 1530, Heini Karpfis of Grüningen and Hans Herzog of Stadel on 23 March 1532. In 1533, however, a less strict policy was adopted, in line with Bern and other cantons. In June 1535 the council received, on request, from the clergy of the city a declaration of counsel on measures to take regarding the Anabaptists, since the Anabaptists were increasing in number and preaching "in Grüningen, Wädenswil, and all along the lake."
This and other evidence belies the claim of Egli (90 f.) that the movement was dying out after 1530. Continued measures against the Anabaptists throughout the rest of the 16th century indicate that both church and state in Zürich took the movement seriously. Although no more executions took place until 1614, these measures included, besides imprisonment for longer or shorter periods, confiscation of property and expulsion from Zürich territory. Bullinger in particular had great, though misplaced, confidence, in sermons and other instruction to "root out the error," due certainly in part to his extraordinarily high evaluation of preaching as the means whereby God's election operated to reach individuals. Zürich's policy was in fact not so harsh as some of the other cantons, notably Bern, and only four executions took place in the canton, although a number died in prison later on.
One of the consequences of the persecution of the Anabaptists in Zürich as well as in other Swiss cantons was emigration to Moravia, where, except for two brief periods of persecution in 1536 and 1548, toleration by the authorities, as well as a vigorous church life, proved a great attraction. Missioners from the Hutterite colonies there frequently came to Switzerland to solicit immigrants, with considerable success, as the Hutterite Chronik repeatedly reports. In 1585, for instance, the Chronik says, "So many people came from Switzerland that at several places the doors had to be closed to them because not all could be received, though a good part of them were taken in." The years 1584-88 were a period of unusual emigration. On 18 August 1584, at an eastern Zürich border point, a party of 50 headed for Moravia was apprehended. Not all the emigrants joined the Hutterite colonies, for there were congregations of Swiss Brethren in Moravia until well into the 17th century. Several times Hutterite emissaries were caught in Zürich. For instance, in 1574 three were arrested, questioned, and expelled. In 1584 "seven preachers" were sent to Switzerland, according to the Chronik. There is evidence also that at least a few similar emissaries came from the Netherlands, and took some Swiss Brethren back with them. In 1575, for instance, the Zürich archives report an Anabaptist preacher from the Netherlands preaching at various meetings near Bülach, "who had been there before." In 1584 there is specific mention of emigration to the Netherlands. In the mid-17th century there was also a strong emigration to Alsace and the Palatinate (see below).
The Zürich authorities wavered in their attitudes toward the Anabaptist emigration. At times they encouraged it and even expelled members of the group. At other times, as in 1576 (decree of 11 February), they forbade it. In all cases they forbade re-entry except to those who recanted and returned to the Protestant Church. It is worthy of note that the opposition to the Anabaptists by the state in one of the mandates was based almost exclusively on social and economic (not religious) grounds, such as their rejection of the oath, but especially their emigration with its consequent loss of wealth and manpower to the state and the weakening of the national defense through reduction of soldier material.
An interesting aspect of the relation of Anabaptists to the state church is the recognition by the authorities that the poor behavior of the Zürich clergy, both in morals and in performance of their preaching and pastoral duties, was one cause of the growth of Anabaptism. Repeatedly the failures of the parish clergy in the villages were castigated and measures taken for reform. On 4 August 1585, for instance, the city council sent a message to the Zürich church synod, which was to be read twice yearly at the synod meetings, calling for vigorous reform and improvement of the clergy, since the lack of discipline and poor sense of responsibility of the clergy was the cause for the separation of "many pious, God-fearing people." Their failures, especially moral failures, were to be punished with imprisonment, suspension, or discharge. The conference of the four cantons on 4 July 1585, which had been called primarily to agree upon common measures against the Anabaptists, also decided on a long series of measures calling for a reform of the clergy as well as of the morals of the population in general.
Often the measures against the Anabaptists were of an economic nature. In addition to money fines, withdrawal of permission to participate in the economic life of the village or community was ordered, including denial of acceptance into a village upon attempted transfer from one location to another. Money fines were imposed freely. For instance, the first absence from the state church Sunday preaching service drew a fine of 20 batzen, the second 5 pounds, further absences up to 20 pounds. Attendance at Anabaptist services was fined one pound. Hospitality to an Anabaptist cost 10 pounds. An anonymous communication to the city council in 1560 with the title, "By what means Anabaptists may be resisted, and how the Anabaptists, especially their leaders, may be punished," advocated as the chief measure the imposition of money fines.
The continued repressive measures against the Anabaptists did not succeed in rooting them out of Zürich until after the middle of the 17th century. Neither imprisonment, confiscation, nor emigration brought about a surrender. Evidently the various measures authorized were not always thoroughly and relentlessly applied, even though the clergy were intense in their opposition to the Anabaptists; otherwise the persistence of the movement can scarcely be explained. It is true that no specific congregations can be identified and very few elders and ministers can be named throughout the entire 140-year history of Zürich Anabaptism, and no evidence has emerged of any general meeting or conferences of the entire body in the canton, nor have any records of the group itself survived except petitions or confessions submitted to the authorities. One of the latter is the "Grüningen Petition" (Grüningen Eingabe) of 1528 submitted by Jakob Falk and Heini Reimann, at that time in prison. Another is the petition of 23 April 1589, submitted by Andreas Gut of Affoltern on behalf of the brotherhood. A third petition, of 1589, possibly also drafted by Andreas Gut, entitled "Supplication an den Bürgermeister und Rat der Stadt Zürich von einigen Wiedertaufern," with the further title "Einfältig bekanntnus," treats five main points: the causes for the great division, the value of the Old Testament in comparison to the New, the relation of the fellowship of believers of the New Testament to those of the Old, the attitude toward the state and the holding of public offices, and baptism. The Zürich clergy replied to the "Bekanntnus" with a polemic document of its own, containing ten points of polemic description of the harmful influence of the Anabaptists upon the people, and pointing out their "opposition to the state," including nonswearing of oaths and rejection of military service.
The Anabaptist movement in Zürich experienced a moderate revival in members after 1600. Contributing to this was the serious estrangement between the general peasant population of the villages and the city population and government, which created a great deal of unrest, together with the continuing poor performance of the clergy. The sympathy of the people for the Anabaptists was so strong in some places, such as Grüningen, that it was practically impossible for the police to arrest them or to impose penalties. The magistrate (Vogt) of Wädenswil reported on 8 Oct. 1612, "that they have such a large following that no one wants to lay hands on them." Other reports indicate that the Anabaptists were well enough organized to have a charity fund for the aid of the poor, administered by a "treasurer (deacon?) which received legacies and gifts and even owned a small farm near Sihlbrugg Hallauergütli)."
In January 1613 a new mandate was issued against the Anabaptists, which was largely a repetition of that of 1585. On the basis of this mandate attempts were first made to win over the Anabaptists peacefully through disputations or conversations. At the first disputation, which took place at Wädenswil on January 26, the Zürich Burgermeister Rahn, aided by J. J. Breitinger, pastor at St. Peter's in Zürich, soon to be the leader of the Zürich church, represented Zürich, while the elders Hans Landis and Rudolph Bachmann and a preacher Galatz represented the Anabaptists. The meeting was fruitless. At the second disputation held at Grüningen on 3 March 1613, sixteen of the forty Anabaptists living in the area appeared, while Stadholder Keller, Vogt Grebel, and J. J. Breitinger represented Zürich. Again the meeting was fruitless. Accordingly the authorities now attempted to carry through the mandate, which was made more difficult by a decree of the council forbidding emigration. At last extreme measures were taken. Six Anabaptist leaders from Wädenswil and Horgen were arrested, among them Hans Landis, who finally was executed the following year as the last Anabaptist martyr in Zürich. The Ausbund (from 1655 on) contains a hymn of 47 verses about him. Two of the remaining five emigrated, while three recanted (for the full account see Horgen). The first three had been sentenced to the French galleys but escaped at Solothurn before delivery to the French ambassador.
From 1613 on, J. J. Breitinger, serving as leader of the Zürich church and seeking in every respect to promote her highest welfare, prosperity, and unity, took the lead in measures against the Anabaptists. His chief concern in dealing with the Anabaptists was to maintain unity and prevent any significant loss of members or a schism. He was more moderate than some others in the actual measures undertaken, nevertheless carried through strongly. As a wise statesman he saw that the best way to meet the Anabaptist menace was to undermine the movement by removing some of its supposed causes, hence worked vigorously at a reform of the clergy, improvement of the school system, and better care for the poor. His point of view was dominant in the Aarau meeting of the Protestant cantons on 18 January 1616, which decided to push a vigorous reform of the clergy as the best means of counteracting the Anabaptists. Strong measures, including heavy imprisonment up to lifelong terms, were, however, provided for leaders and for stubborn impenitent members. These measures succeeded in repressing the movement somewhat, and certainly prevented its further growth, but did not completely eradicate it.
After a period of relative quiet the final struggle with the Anabaptists took place in 1633-45. It was inaugurated with a census of the entire population in 1633, which produced a report (from the pastors) of a total of 182 adult (over 20 years of age) Anabaptists, distributed as follows: Affoltern 5, Bärentswil 11, Birmensdorf 11, Bonstetten 2, Cappel 3, Egg I, Ellikon 8, Grüningen 2, Gryffensee 1, Hinwyl 7, Hirzel 46, Hausen 3, Maschwanden 5, Männedorf II, Mettmenstetten 6, Ottenbach 3, Pfäffikon 3, Richterswil 12, Stallikon 12, Fischental 8, Wald 4, Wädenswil 8, Wetzikon 2, Wildberg 2, suspects 8. The true numbers were certainly higher than the 182 listed, according to Bergmann (104), who reports that some figures probably represent households, that three of the parishes reported a total of 117 children under 20, and that the Freie Amt had 50 Anabaptists in addition to many suspects. Bergmann believes that there were scarcely any Anabaptists in the city itself. It is interesting to note that the parishes of Birmensdorf and Bärentswil reported their Anabaptists to be very wealthy ("sehr wohlhabend").Knonau, to which all the Anabaptists in the districts of Grüningen, Wädenswil, and Knonau were invited. Many appeared, but not all: 38 of the 58 in Knonau, 36 of the 71 in Wädenswil, 14 of the 61 in Grüningen. Later two disputations were held in the city, on 22 August and 8 September 1635. All discussions were fruitless; so the authorities concluded to try another tack. The individual Anabaptists were asked to reply in writing whether they were ready to recant or to emigrate. Four writings were received in Zürich, all negative, one from Knonau written by Rudolf Egli and bearing 20 signatures, one from Wädenswil written by Peter Bruppacher and bearing 9 signatures ("and many others"), one from Grüningen written by Flans Spori and bearing 9 signatures, one from Gryffensee and Kyburg with 17 signatures, and one from Männedorf with 23 signatures. Certainly the number of Anabaptists in the canton in 1635 must have reached 300 or more. The next step was to arrest most of the Anabaptists and place them in various prisons since the Zürich city prison did not have room. But soon practically all were either released or had escaped. In 1637 again large numbers were arrested. From these prisoners a petition for leave to emigrate was received, which listed a total of 70 men, 100 women, and some 300 children as prisoners. This step was taken with heavy heart, after 20 weeks of imprisonment; but permission was refused. After several months of very severe imprisonment the miserable prisoners escaped in March. Thereupon in the following weeks the police were sent on house searches to arrest the Anabaptists again, and to confiscate their cash and valuable household goods. Bergmann illustrates the suffering of the families by an account of what the family of Rudolph Egli had to go through, until the family finally immigrated to the Palatinate.
A moving account of the sufferings of the Zürich brethren is given in a report prepared for the Dutch Mennonites in 1645, possibly by Hans Müller of Edikon, or Jeremias Mangold. It forms a booklet of 27 pages of small type in small page format, which has been printed in every edition of the Ausbund printed in America, beginning in 1742, under the title Ein wahrhaftiger Bericht von den Brüdern im Schweitzerland in dem Zürcher gebiet wegen der Trübsalen, welche über sie ergangen sind, um des Evangeliums willen, von dem 1635 sten bis in das 1645 ste Jahr. Aside from the 4-page summary of the examinations of the prisoners in 1635-36 and the conclusion, it consists of a detailed account of the experiences of individuals in prison (and in part outside), organized under the heads of Klonau (Knonau), Wädenswil and Horgen, and Grüningen. The following persons are treated: Hans Meyli, Hans Müller, Rudolph Hägi, Hans Ringer, Heinrich Frick, Steffen Zänder, Dorothea Grobin, Catharina Müllerin, Heinrich Gut, Otilly Müllerin, Barbara Meylin, Barbara Kolbin, Elisabeth Meylin, Hans Landis, Hans Huber, Conrad Strickler, Hans Rudolph Baumann, Oswald Landis, Feronica Ableny, Jacob Rüsterholz, Felix Landis, Rudolph Sommer, Hans Asper, Werne Pleister, Ulrich Schneider, Gaily Schneider, Rudolph Bachmann, Hans Jakob Heess, Hans Müller, Jakob Gochnauer, Jakob Egly, Georg Weber, Jakob Baumgartner, Ulrich Miiller, Jakob Müssly (Nissly), Catharina Forrerin, Burckhard Ammen, Elisabeth Hiitzny, and Heinrich Schnebele. The following are named in the report as ordained ministers (bestellte Diener): Hans Landis of Horgerberg and Ulrich Müller of Kyburg; Rudolph Bachmann as elder (Aeltester), and Werne Pleister as ordained elder (bestellter Aeltester). (It is possible that "bestellter Diener" means elder, and "Aeltester" means deacon.)
The Anabaptist Commission, which had been set up in 1613 and charged with Anabaptist matters, now prepared a detailed account of their dealings with the Anabaptists, entitled Handlung und Ersprachung mit den Widertöeffern ihrer Irrtums wegen, which was published as a "Manifest" on 31 Oct. 1639, and distributed among the population of the countryside (probably identical with Wahrhaffter Bericht Unsers des Burgermeisters des Kleinen und Grossen Rahts . . . der Statt Zürich . . . unsers handlungen gegen den Widertäufferen 1639). The Anabaptists replied with an quot;Antimanifest" (so named in the archives) entided "Christenliche und Kurtze verantwortung der brüderen, dienern, und eltisten im Zürich gebiedt fiber das büchlein oder manifest so ausgegangen in der Stadt und Landschaft Zürich," probably written in 1640.
In November and December 1639 the final heavy blow was struck. An order went out from the Anabaptist Commission to arrest all Anabaptists, confiscate all goods, and to declare all marriages annulled and all children illegitimate. This was done and the Anabaptists were crowded into the prisons, which had been emptied of criminals, and kept in complete isolation under the harshest conditions. All pleas for mercy were denied. The general population of the countryside, however, was deeply aroused by these measures. Attempts to sell the Anabaptist properties found few buyers, and no one was ready to take over their shops or businesses. In this time of great need the Zürich Anabaptists turned to their brethren in Holland, apparently through a family of Mennonite weavers in Zürich who had come from Holland, Hans Suner. Secret collections were sent from Holland to the prisoners as early as 1640.
The fruitless intervention of the Dutch Mennonites on behalf of their persecuted Zürich brethren in which they finally called on the Dutch government for help, continued for 20 years for Zürich, and for 50 years longer for Bern. Word regarding the Zürich persecution first reached the Amsterdam Mennonites in 1641, who at once made a connection with the prisoners through a Reformed (or Lutheran) merchant in Amsterdam, Izak Hattavier. In 1642 a Reformed pastor in Amsterdam, Godefridus Hottonus, wrote to Zürich about the matter and on August 21 received a lengthy letter from Breitinger. A paper war followed in 1643 over the Zürich persecution, between Petrus Bontemps, a Reformed preacher of Haarlem, Joost Hendriksz (d. 1644), an Amsterdam Mennonite preacher, and A. D. Volbot (q.v., who used the pseudonym Gerard van Vrijburgh). On 15 February 1645, Jeremias Mangold, no doubt a Zürich Anabaptist, sent to Holland a lengthy manuscript report on the Zürich persecution, which, together with a shorter report of February, written by Martin Meyli, was used by Van Braght for a lengthy report in the Martyrs' Mirror (1660). The Zürich-Lied, with 49 stanzas, gives an account of the sufferings of the Zürich prisoners, written by one of them, Hans Rycker. It was published in a small songbook called Ein geistliches Liederbüchlein, which was published (for the first time?) in 1709 or later. The <em>Dürsrüttilied</em> follows it, which likewise gives an account of the Bernese Anabaptist persecution. At the request of the Dutch Mennonites, addressed to the States-General and to the Amsterdam City Magistracy, the States-General on 19 February 1660, addressed a letter to the Zürich government requesting that Zürich permit the Anabaptists to emigrate with their goods. This petition was supported by the cities of Amsterdam and Rotterdam, and by the Knights-Proprietors of Alsace (whose support had no doubt been enlisted by the Mennonites there). To all of these Zürich answered negatively on 20 July 1660.
Much material on the persecution of the Zürich Anabaptists about this time is found in several other sources. The Mangold report of 1645 is apparently the one printed in full in the Ausbund (first in the 1742 Germantown edition). An extract of the Zürich Anabaptist archival documents covering 3 February 1639, to 9 January 1643, prepared by Hans Kaspar Suter, probably at the request of the Bernese authorities, appears in two copies in the Bern Staatsarchiv. A similar comprehensive report secured by the Bern Anabaptist Commission in 1659 from the Zürich Anabaptist Commission also appears in the Bern Staatsarchiv. J. H. Ottius, Annales Anabaptistici, pp. 204-360, also gives many details in often lengthy items, particularly for 1609-70.
On 23 April 1641, the captives escaped from prison, though many were recaptured. Gradually matters quieted down again and once more the Brethren thought that perhaps an implicit toleration might be their lot, but not so. After the close of the Thirty Years' War in 1648, when immigrants were desired to repopulate southern Germany, most of the Zürich Anabaptists emigrated, along with numerous Reformed families. They settled largely in the Palatinate. A few remained behind as relatives of prisoners with life sentences or for other reasons. In 1654 two brethren named Schmid and Frick underwent examinations and in 1656 Frick finally was freed after 27 months of imprisonment, whereupon he immigrated to the Palatinate. The official records show that a total of 119 Anabaptists left for the Palatinate and Alsace in 1656-57, while some 1,076 Reformed followed the same route. Further records show that among the 4,130 who had emigrated in 1657-61 there were 49 Anabaptists with 70 children.
So the might of the Zürich state after 140 years finally succeeded in exterminating the Anabaptist movement in the land of its beginnings. But Zürich Anabaptism lived on in foreign countries, first in the Palatinate, and finally in Pennsylvania, whither a large number of Palatine Mennonites emigrated in 1707-56. It is probable that 75 per cent of the Mennonites of the Lancaster Mennonite settlement established in 1710-17 consisted of original Zürich families, instead of those of Bernese origin as has been hitherto too easily assumed. Among them are such well-known families as Landis, Brubacher, Snyder, Miller, Weber (Weaver), Hess, Gochnauer, Bauman, Bachmann, Good, Nissley, Snavely, Hege, Huber, Strickler, Kendig, and Graff.
The Zürich Anabaptists have been treated in three literary works, two by major writers, all dealing with the earliest period. Gottfried Keller, an outstanding Swiss novelist, wrote the Novelle Ursula (1878); Cäsar von Arx, the leading contemporary Swiss dramatist, wrote Brüder in Christo (1947); and Erich Thebold, a Swiss journalist, wrote the novel Folge dem Licht (1945; see Literature). Heinrich Bullinger's two major works of 1531 and 1560 against the Anabaptists became standard sources and greatly influenced both official and popular attitudes. Being polemic writings, they contain little purely historical material. They are fully treated under the articles Von dem unverschampten fräfel and Widertoufferen Ursprung.
Ausbund. Lancaster County, PA, 1949: 837-65.
Braght, Thieleman J. van. The Bloody Theatre or Martyrs' Mirror of the Defenseless Christians Who Baptized Only upon Confession of Faith and Who Suffered and Died for the Testimony of Jesus Their Saviour . . . to the Year A.D. 1660. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1951: 1103-5, 1108-24, 1133, 1138.
Brackbill, M. H. "On the Origins of the Early Eighteenth Century Pennsylvania Mennonite Immigrants." Mennonite Quarterly Review XXVII (1953): 78-82.
Bergmann, Cornelius. The Täuferbewegung im Kanton Zürich bis 1660. Leipzig, 1916.
Egli, Emil. The Züricher Wiedertäufer zur Reformationszeit. Zürich, 1878.
Köhler, Walther. "Die Zürcher Täufer." Gedenkschrift zum 400 jährigen Jubiläum der Mennoniten oder Taufgesinnten 1525-1925. Ludwigshafen, 1925.
Mörikofer, J. C. J. J. Breitinger und Zürich. Leipzig, 1874: 149-56.
Müller, Ernst. Geschichte der Bernischen Täufer. Frauenfeld: Huber, 1895. Reprinted Nieuwkoop : B. de Graaf, 1972.
Muralt, L. von. Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerischen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit. Zürich, 1938.
Muralt, Leonhard von and Walter Schmid. Quellen zur Geschichte der Täufer in der Schweiz. Erster Band Zürich. Zürich: S. Hirzel, 1952.
Noodigh Ondersoek op den Brief Geintituleert Waerachtigh Verhael, Van de handelinghen der achtbare Magistraet van Zürich, tegen eenighe weder-doopers. n.p., 1643, in Mennonite Historical Library (Goshen, Indiana, USA), Amsterdam Mennonite Library.
Schnyder, Werner. Bevölkerung der Stadt u. Landschaft Zürich 14. bis 17. Jahrhundert. Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Zürich, 1925, published in Schweizer Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft XIV, Heft 1.
Stiefel, Max. Die kirchlichen Verhältnisse im Knonaueramt nach der Reformation, 1531-1600. ("The Wiedertäufer," 152-67). Affoltem, 1947.
Wahrhaffter Bericht Unsers des Burgermeisters . . . der Statt Zürich. Worinnm grundtlich dargethan wirt, theils Jüngster unsers handlungen gegen den idertäufferen. Zürich, 1639, copy in Mennonite Historical Library (Goshen, Indiana, USA), Amsterdam Mennonite Library; Dutch editions at Amsterdam 1643 and 1644, both in Amsterdam Mennonite Library.
Zuber, Sinaida. Die zürcherische Auswanderung von ihren Anfängen bis gegen Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts. Zürich Ph.D. dissertation. Turbenthal, 1931.
|Author(s)||Harold S Bender|
Cite This Article
Bender, Harold S. "Zürich (Switzerland)." Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. 1959. Web. 22 Feb 2017. http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Z%C3%BCrich_(Switzerland)&oldid=79097.
Bender, Harold S. (1959). Zürich (Switzerland). Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved 22 February 2017, from http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Z%C3%BCrich_(Switzerland)&oldid=79097.
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